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He made a fortune in Turkey! I was just the captain. Do you think that if I were a muharrib I would be in this condition now?
Muharribin make a lot of money! If I were one of them, I would not need money to pay my lawyer now. Ahmad left Homs in Syria when he was still an adolescent along with his brother, younger by a few years.
Like many other families, theirs covered the cost of the journey by liquidating the few assets that they had left after months of severe siege and starvation.
It is a decision akin to gambling: as young men leave for Europe, families get into debt and lose an economic lifeline within their already stranded households.
Indeed, domestic survival hinges largely on the remittances periodically sent by family members who have mi- grated.
Furthermore, acting as veritable trail-blazers, those who successfully migrated can facilitate the migration of their kin left back in Syria, constantly monitoring their movement and giving them useful advice on the duration of the journey, the permeability of the borders and sharing important contacts.
Ahmad flew to Turkey precisely with the goal of facilitating the journey of his family. It is rather com- mon for migrants to work together with those facilitating their journeys performing roles that would legally fall into the category of smuggling — such as piloting boats, recruiting migrants, watching for police, etc.
During my field- work, I saw this type of collaboration developing in different manners. Migrants might work as recruiters, guides, or intermediaries—positions that can be cov- ered by the same person.
They might escort immigrants across the border be- cause of their own first-hand knowledge of the route; recruit clients because they share the same ethnic networks; and provide the various services needed to the migrants food, accommodation, and so on because of their long-term relationship with local communities in the transit countries.
They would do all this to pay the required fees or have a decent livelihood. This is what Ahmad — like many others — did to pay part of the smuggling fees for his family.
This overlapping of roles introduces a further layer of complexity by blurring the boundary between smugglers and their customers and weakening even further the analytical grip of the term muharrib.
It took him and his brother almost four months to reach Sweden. When I met him at the lobby he was waiting for the Turkish taxi drivers who picked up his family and took them to a nukta the spot, point of departure on the beach where around 30 other migrants were on board a ten-meter inflatable boat.
Ahmad left Turkey only when he received confirmation from his wife that her and his family had reached the Greek shores.
Yet the sense of mistrust, or that something can indeed go wrong never leaves the minds of the migrants who work with facilitators.
When Ahmad used the word muharrib, he referred to someone wicked, evil. However, even if muharrib carried a negative connotation, the person who facilitates irregular journeys was not necessarily bad.
He or she can simply be someone who sneaks something or someone undetected. Among my interlocutors, the facilitation of irregular migration was not just about profiting because the smuggler was not necessarily driven only by mate- rial gain.
It entailed a range of practices encompassing honesty, empathy, soli- darity, and moral conduct. It involved the smugglers restricting their margin of profit, using good quality boats, and displaying civilized and refined man- ners with their customers.
They regarded as immoral any misconduct relating 15 In , the International Organization for Migration iom estimated that 12, people lost their lives trying to cross the Mediterranean through this route.
Migrant Deaths and Disappearances Worldwide: Analysis. The outcome of the smuggling process substantially contributed to determine the appellative: muharrib if it was bad, muhtaram or any other term with a positive connotation if successful.
In the field, nobody was a smuggler, and yet I was surrounded by facilitators of irregular migration and people who required their services.
Was Abu Hamza a trustworthy facilitator or, conversely, a vicious smuggler? This question does not lend itself to an easy answer. Many of the people I met had not doubt about his moral skills, others were unsure, and some changed their mind.
And yet, they all referred to the same person and the same actions. Narrative coherence was out of the frame, of course. Narratives were contested and multiple, and not only was the same story told in different ways from dif- ferent people, but the same person could tell the same story differently over the time.
Waiting to see the outcome of the journey, Ahmad — who at first was dubious — enthusiastically described Abu Hamza as a respectable person, a shakhs ktir tayyeb.
However eloquent Abu Hamza description of himself as a good person might be, his obsession to distance himself from the infamous cat- egory of smuggler is indicative of the intrinsic fragility of this endeavour.
However, with this brief narrative excursus in the actions of Abu Hamza in Turkey, I had two interrelated goals. First of all, and perhaps most impor- tantly, I wanted to show how those very actors who are the blunt side of the border control and security apparatus — facilitators and migrants — reproduce a discourse aimed to criminalize irregular migration.
However, the degree of consensus was surprising: smugglers were fundamentally evil. But does this come as a surprise? It is worth reminding that a plethora of studies on enforcement have dem- onstrated how the tightening of border controls and the implementation of re- strictive immigration policies reduces safe migration mechanisms and favour the emergence of increasingly dangerous routes where relationships between migrants and their facilitators tend to be more exploitative.
In mainstream me- dia, the smuggler was blamed for the countless deaths of migrants and the alleged invasion of Europe.
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